“It seems that 2010 marks the year that Transgender Feminist doctrines about Transsexuality and Autogynephilia started to crumble like the Berlin wall. Curtis E. Hinkle written a pro-transgender paper that challenges the concept of Childhood Transsexuality. Apparently many gender variant boys grow up to find a place in the Gay Public Sphere. According to Hinkle’s paper rather MTF Transsexuals were more often “… socially withdrawn and spent most of their time after school by themselves at home”
“This would seem to contradict the HBS model which states that “True Transsexuals” are all girly from day one. Interestingly Transsexual activist Aria Blue has written in support of Hinkle. (hat/tip @jackmolay)
I would be very interested to see the incidence of Autogynephilia under these men, and for instance the proportion of “tops” to “bottoms”. I would hypothesize that these Genderqueer young men primarily develop into Autogynephilic and/or Sexual Bottoms. The DSM of course states that Gay men cannot be Autogynephiles by definition. Gay male counter culture in San Francisco is a Festival of Autogynephilia. Drag Cabaret is one of the main art forms in my city. It is laughable to think that this is merely part of being Gay rather than an erotic performance of femininity (i.e. autogynephilia).
Reports of extreme boyhood “femininity” had also been thought to characterise male to female transsexualism … Such extreme boyhood “femininity” had attracted the attention of clinicians and researchers for years. Richard Green of the U.C.L.A. Gender Identity Clinic saw them. Bernard Zuger saw them. Their descriptions were almost uniform. They were already stating they wanted to be girls or they were girls, often at the ages of two or three. They were cross-dressing. They were playing with girls exclusively or almost exclusively and were playing with girl’s games exclusively or almost exclusively. Their behaviour was overt. It was very observable and it was obvious. So obvious that many would be brought in to a clinician for evaluation and treatment.
However, others rarely ever saw these same boys later as adult men presenting at sex change clinics as transsexuals and desiring sex reassignment surgery. Reports of this extreme “feminine” behavior were conspicuously lacking in those presenting for S.R.S. The lack of such stories in adult sex change applicants, led Chiland to ask, “Is there such a thing as a transsexual child” (page 55). …
If these applicants who were adults seeking sex reassignment did not report extreme feminine behaviour on any consistent basis (when such reports would have most likely impressed the “gatekeepers” and helped convince them of the “obviousness” of their “femininity”), then what label could adequately describe the majority of the children who did report extreme feminine behavior and if such reports were not substantiated by observations from others close to them as children, would such a label stick when they presented for sex reassignment?
We do get some ideas as to what these individuals were like as children. Chiland5 described the situation as follows:
“The disorders that may lead to transsexualism in adults may thus be perfectly silent in childhood as far as an observer, parents, or teachers are concerned … the child has no clear idea why he feels bad, and will only give his trouble a name on reaching puberty.”
This is far from statements that the child wants to be a girl, or says he is a girl. Chiland writes further:
“An outside observer may notice that something is wrong with the child, but they cannot imagine, any more than the subject himself, that the child is suffering from a disorder of gender identity.”
Again, this is far from what would be seen in the other boys described as already cross dressing at the age of two or three, who were playing exclusively or almost exclusively girls’ games and with girls. The following is more typical of the childhood of those who present at sex change clinics:
“we see an isolated boy who is ill at ease, does not make friends, and does quite badly at school. But the child has no clear idea why he feels bad, and will only give his trouble a name on reaching puberty.”
Furthermore, these adult S.R.S. candidates in adulthood, usually did not show “signs of trouble with their gender identity in childhood that might have attracted attention … very few were taken to clinics” and; “still fewer were treated”. Remarkably, “some were treated in childhood or early adolescence, with whom the question of gender identity never arose either in evaluation or in treatment; they were referred and treated for other reasons.”5 When they thought their therapist would be more intuitive and the therapist wasn’t, “they became more and more silent and eventually refused to continue the treatment”.
Another group, when evaluating adult transsexuals, also found that those without extreme “femininity” in boyhood represented a group which had gender identity as the main motivation for seeking sex reassignment and re-labeled these individuals primary transsexuals. They were typically asexual and did not display homosexual behavior nor, as mentioned, were they extremely feminine acting in childhood. They write:
“In our series of ten primary transsexuals, nine showed no evidence of effeminacy in childhood … As far as we can make out, they did not engage in girl’s activities or play with girls any more than did normal boys … All ten of our primary transsexuals were socially withdrawn and spent most of their time after school by themselves at home … In effect, they were childhood loners … “7
They further write:
“to summarise, then, in childhood, the primary transsexual is not effeminate, but he feels either abhorrence or discomfort in boyish activities.”7
If boys with extreme “feminine” behavior in childhood are not the primary transsexuals, then who are these boys studied by Green, Zuger, and others? If their behaviour is so effeminate in childhood, yet they do not typically request sex change, what happens to them? It is in the follow-up studies, such as those by Green and Zuger, which give us the answer. Greenstudied forty-four very effeminate boys from childhood into adulthood and found that three quarters of them became homosexual (N=18) or bisexual men (N=14).
Around a quarter of them became heterosexual.